The two Governments are too jealous of one another to act in concert long in the Danish matter, and they would a thousand times rather see the Duchies obliterated from the German map than a genuine unity among the German people.Īustria, too, with her debt and depreciated currency, and the popular fermentation in Hungary, and the dangers in Italy, is in no condition for a great war. Neither do we have any belief that the martial demonstrations of the Austrian and Prussian monarchs mean anything serious. We have no faith that even Federal encroachment on Denmark will call Great Britain to arms. THIERS calls the "small wars," will be exceedingly careful how it plunges into a European war on such a remote and uncertain question as the Danish struggle. The English Government, though sufficiently spirited in the defence of its own honor, and inclined to what M. And here the question narrows itself down to the plans of one potentate - the Emperor of the French. The great question is in regard to the purposes and desires of the rulers. We may safely reckon on the pacific tendencies of the people. Now countries in such a condition are not inclined to war or revolution. In the same manner, the opening of new manufactories has given a prodigious stimulus to the growth of wealth among many of the German States.įrance, too, under its long peace, though having suffered in some of its industrial branches through the American war, is yet very prosperous. The extension of railroads, and consequent opening of new markets, has produced an effect in Germany somewhat similar to what has been observed here during the same period - an immense development in production, the rise of wages and increase of comfort among the masses. No prosperous people is likely to be a revolutionary one, unless, as in the case of our rebellion, they are led away by aristocratic leaders. The most explosive material in Europe - the revolutionary element - has very much lost its dangerous properties during the last ten years, from the simple fact of the material prosperity of the Continent. Yet we incline still to the opinion that, unless from some very remarkable combination of events, no great war is likely to take place. It would seem that but a spark were necessary to kindle a universal conflagration. Nothing could appear more perilous or stormy than the present aspect. At the same time, the old revolutionary element still seethes and boils beneath the surface in every country of continental Europe. Federal Germany is aroused to an intense pitch, and does not appear likely to yield a point in the Danish question. The French Emperor still sustains his immense armaments, and is known to look with eager eye for the chances which a German war might bring of acquiring territory on the Rhine. But most threatening of all, England presents a protest against the occupation of the Duchies by the Federal authorities, and, along with France, appears to guarantee the integrity of Denmark, even at the expense of a great war. The Italian aspirations for national unity have not been satisfied, and the historical capital of Italy is still held by foreigners. The Polish Revolution still continues - an open and bleeding wound in the side of Europe. On the eve of a terrible famine in Hungary, KOSSUTH has sent forth one of his revolutionary proclamations, which never fail to stir the blood of the Hungarian peasantry, so that Austria is already represented to be in a ferment. The political horizon never looked stormier than at this moment in Europe.
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